Wednesday, March 18, 2020

Colin Ferguson and the Long Island Railroad Massacre

Colin Ferguson and the Long Island Railroad Massacre On Dec. 7, 1993, Colin Ferguson, a man long bothered by what he considered racism, boarded a Long Island commuter train and began shooting at the passengers with a pistol. The incident, known as the Long Island Railroad Massacre, resulted in six people killed and 19 injured. Background Ferguson was born on Jan. 14, 1958, in Kingston, Jamaica, to Von Herman and May Ferguson. Herman was the managing director for Hercules Agencies, a large pharmaceutical company. He was highly regarded and one of the most prominent businessmen in Jamaica. Colin and his four brothers enjoyed many of the privileges that come with wealth in a city where extreme poverty is common. He attended Calabar High School and, from all appearances, was a good student who participated in sports. At the time of his graduation in 1974, his grade average was in the top third of his class. Fergusons idyllic life came to an abrupt halt in 1978, when his father was killed in a car crash. His mother died from cancer not long afterward. Soon after both parents died, Ferguson had to cope with the loss of the family fortune. All the losses left him deeply disturbed. Move to the United States At 23, Ferguson decided to leave Kingston and move to the U.S. on a visitors visa, hoping for a fresh start and a good job on the East Coast. It didnt take long for his excitement to turn to frustration: The only jobs he could find were low-paying and menial, and he blamed racism in America. Three years after his arrival in the U.S., he met and married Audrey Warren, an American citizen of Jamaican descent who understood the cultural differences that affected her husbands ability to get along. She was patient and understanding when he lost his temper and went into rages, expressing his racial bigotry toward white people who he felt stood in his way. The couple moved to a home in Long Island, where he continued to rage about the mistreatment and disrespect he was shown by white Americans. He had been born to one of the top families in Kingston, and government and military luminaries had attended his fathers funeral. But in America, he felt he was treated as nothing. His hatred toward white people was deepening. Married bliss didnt last long for the couple. Warren found her new husband to be hostile and aggressive. They fought regularly and more than once the police were called to their home to break up a fight. Just two years into the marriage, Warren divorced Ferguson, stating differing social views as the reason. Ferguson was emotionally crushed by the divorce. He did clerical work for Ademco Security Group until Aug. 18, 1989, when he fell from a stool on the job, injuring his head, neck, and back and losing his job. He filed a complaint with the New York State Workers Compensation Board, which took years to come to a resolution. While he waited for their decision, he attended Nassau Community College. Disciplinary Problems at College He made the deans list three times but was forced to quit a class for disciplinary reasons after a teacher filed a complaint that Ferguson was overly aggressive toward him in class. That prompted him to transfer to Adelphi University in Garden City, New York, in 1990, majoring in business administration. Ferguson became very outspoken about black power and his dislike of whites. When he wasnt calling everyone around him a racist, he called out for violence and a revolution to overthrow white America. Ferguson alleged that a white woman at the library shouted racial epithets at him when he asked about a class assignment. An investigation found that no such incident had occurred. In another incident, Ferguson interrupted a faculty member giving a presentation about her trip to South Africa, allegedly shouting, We should be talking about the revolution in South Africa and how to get rid of the white people and Kill everybody white! After fellow students tried to calm him, he chanted, The black revolution will get you.   In June 1991, as a result of the incident, Ferguson was suspended from school. He was invited to reapply after satisfying his suspension, but he never returned. Brush With the Law In 1991 Ferguson moved to Brooklyn, where he was unemployed and rented a room in the Flatbush neighborhood. At the time it was a popular area for West Indian immigrants, and Ferguson moved right into the middle, but he kept to himself, rarely saying anything to his neighbors. In 1992 his ex-wife, who had not seen Ferguson since the divorce, filed a complaint against him, claiming he had pried open the trunk of her car. Anger was boiling up inside Ferguson, and he was nearing the breaking point. In February he was taking the subway when a woman attempted to sit in an empty seat beside him. She asked him to move over, and Ferguson began screaming at her, pressing his elbow and leg against her until the police intervened. He attempted to get away, calling out, Brothers, come help me! to African-Americans on the train. He was arrested and charged with harassment. Ferguson wrote letters to the police commissioner and the NYC Transit Authority, claiming the police had brutalized him and were vicious and racist. The claims were later dismissed after an investigation. Worker's Compensation Claim Settled It took three years for his workers compensation case against Ademco Security Group to be settled. He was awarded $26,250, which he found unsatisfactory. Stating that he was still suffering from pain, he met with a Manhattan attorney, Lauren Abramson, about filing another lawsuit. Abramson later said she asked a law clerk to join the meeting because she found Ferguson to be threatening and uncomfortable to be around. When the law firm rejected the case, Ferguson accused members of the firm of discrimination. During one phone call, he referenced a massacre in California. Many at the firm began locking their inner-office doors. Ferguson then tried to get the New York State Workers Compensation Board to reopen the case but was rejected. However, Ferguson was placed on a list of potentially dangerous people because of his aggressiveness. Fed up with New York City, Ferguson moved to California in April 1993. He applied for several jobs but was never hired. Gun Purchase That same month, he spent $400 on a Ruger P-89 9 mm pistol in Long Beach. He began carrying the gun inside a paper bag after he was mugged by two African-Americans. In May 1993, Ferguson moved back to New York City because, as he explained to a friend, he didnt like competing for jobs with immigrants and Hispanics. After he returned to New York, he seemed to be deteriorating quickly. Speaking in the third person, he went on rants about blacks striking down their pompous rulers and oppressors. He showered several times a day and chanted continuously about all the black people killing all the white people. Ferguson was asked to vacate his apartment by the end of the month. The Shooting On Dec. 7, Ferguson boarded a 5:33 p.m. Long Island commuter train leaving Pennsylvania Station for Hicksville. On his lap were his gun and 160 rounds of ammunition. As the train approached the Merillon Avenue Station, Ferguson stood up and methodically began firing at passengers on both sides, pulling the trigger about every half second and repeating Im going to get you. After emptying two 15-round magazines, he was reloading a third when passengers Michael OConnor, Kevin Blum, and Mark McEntee tackled him and pinned him down until police arrived. As Ferguson lay pinned to a seat, he said, Oh God, what did I do? What did I do? I deserve whatever I get. Six passengers died: Amy Federici, a 27-year-old corporate interior designer from MineolaJames Gorycki, a 51-year-old account executive from MineolaMi Kyung Kim, a 27-year-old New Hyde Park residentMaria Theresa Tumangan Magtoto, a 30-year-old lawyer from WestburyDennis McCarthy, a 52-year-old office manager from MineolaRichard Nettleton, a 24-year-old college student from Roslyn Heights 19 passengers were injured. The Note Police searching Ferguson found several scraps of notebook paper in his pockets bearing headlines such as reasons for this,  racism by Caucasians and Uncle Tom Negroes, and a scribbled reference to his February 1992 arrest that referred to the false allegations against me by the filthy Caucasian racist female on the #1 line. Also among the notes were the names and telephone numbers of the lieutenant governor, the attorney general, and the Manhattan law firm that Ferguson had threatened, whom he referred to as those corrupt black attorneys who not only refused to help me but tried to steal my car. Based on the notes, it appeared that Ferguson planned to delay the killings until he was beyond the New York City limit out of respect for outgoing Mayor David Dinkins and Police Commissioner Raymond W. Kelly. Ferguson was arraigned on Dec. 8, 1993. He remained silent  during the arraignment and refused to enter a plea. He was ordered held without bail. As he was escorted from the courthouse, a reporter asked him if he hated whites, to which Ferguson replied, Its a lie. Investigation, Trial, and Sentencing According to trial testimony, Ferguson suffered from extreme paranoia involving many races but mostly centering on the feeling that white people were out to get him. At some point, his paranoia had pushed him into devising a plan of revenge. To avoid embarrassing Mayor Dinkins, Ferguson had selected a commuter train headed to Nassau County. Once the train entered Nassau, Ferguson had begun shooting, selecting some white people to gun down and sparing others. The reasons for his selections were never made clear. After a circus-like trial in which Ferguson represented himself and rambled on, often repeating himself,  he was found guilty and sentenced to 315  years in prison. As of November 2018, he was in the Upstate Correctional Facility in Malone, New York. Source:The Long Island Railroad Massacre, AE American Justice

Monday, March 2, 2020

One Vote Can Make a Difference - What Are the Odds

One Vote Can Make a Difference - What Are the Odds The odds that one vote can make a difference in an election are almost nil, worse than the odds of winning Powerball. But that doesnt mean its impossible that one vote can make a difference. Its actually happened. There have been cases in which one vote decided the election. Odds That One Vote Can Make a Difference Economists Casey B. Mulligan and Charles G. Hunter found in a 2001 study that only one of every 100,000 votes cast in federal elections, and one of every 15,000 votes cast in state legislative elections, â€Å"mattered in the sense that they were cast for a candidate that officially tied or won by one vote.† Their study of 16,577 national elections from 1898 through 1992 found that only one had been decided by a single vote. It was the 1910 election in New York’s 36th Congressional District, won by a Democrat who claimed 20,685 votes to the Republican candidate’s 20,684. Of those elections, the median margin of victory was 22 percentage points and 18,021 actual votes. Mulligan and Hunter also analyzed 40,036 state legislative elections from 1968 through 1989 and found only seven that had been decided by a single vote. Of those elections, the median margin of victory was 25 percentage points and 3,257 actual votes. In other words, the chance that your vote will be the decisive or pivotal one in a national election is almost zilch. The same goes for state legislative elections. Chances That One Vote Can Make a Difference in a Presidential Race   Researchers Andrew Gelman, Gary King, and John Boscardin estimated the chances that a single vote would decide a U.S. presidential election to be 1 in 10 million at best and less than 1 in 100 million at worst. Their work, titled Estimating the Probability of Events That Have Never Occurred: When Is Your Vote Decisive? appeared in 1998 in the Journal of the American Statistical Association.  Ã¢â‚¬Å"Given the size of the electorate, an election where one vote is decisive (equivalent to a tie in your state and in the electoral college) will almost certainly never occur,† Gelman, King and Boscardin wrote. Still, the odds of your one vote deciding a presidential election are still better than your odds of matching all six numbers of Powerball, which are smaller than 1 in 175 million. What Really Happens in Close Elections So what happens if an election really is decided by a single vote, or is at least pretty close? It’s taken out of the electorate’s hands. Stephen J. Dubner and Steven D. Levitt, who wrote Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything, pointed out in a 2005 column in The New York Times that extremely close elections are often settled not at the ballot box but in courtrooms. Consider President George W. Bush’s narrow victory in 2000 over Democrat Al Gore, which ended up being decided by the U.S. Supreme Court. â€Å"It is true that the outcome of that election came down to a handful of voters; but their names were Kennedy, OConnor, Rehnquist, Scalia, and Thomas. And it was only the votes they cast while wearing their robes that mattered, not the ones they may have cast in their home precincts,† Dubner and Levitt wrote. When One Vote Really Did Make a Difference The races won by a single vote, in addition to the new 1910 Congressional election in New York, according to Mulligan and Hunter, were: A 1978 race for Rhode Island state Senate was tied at 4,110 votes, and decided by a second runoff election. So was a 1980 race for New Mexico state House, at 2,327 votes for each candidate.A 1982 state House election in Maine in which the victor won 1,387 votes to the loser’s 1,386 votes.A 1982 state Senate race in Massachusetts in which the victor won 5,352 votes to the loser’s 5,351; a subsequent recount late found wider margin.A 1980 state House race in Utah in which the victor won 1,931 votes to the loser’s 1,930 votes.A 1978 state Senate race in North Dakota in which the victor won 2,459 votes to the loser’s 2,458 votes; a subsequent recount found the margin to be six votes.A 1970 state House race in Rhode Island in which the victor won 1,760 votes to the loser’s 1,759.A 1970 state House race in Missouri in which the victor won 4,819 votes to the loser’s 4,818 votes.And a 1968 state House race in Wisconsin in which the victor won 6,522 v otes to the loser’s 6,521 votes; a subsequent recount found the margin to be two votes, not one.